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蒙古最后一位君主统治者第八世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图博格多汗的画像。
蒙古最后一位君主统治者第八世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图博格多汗的画像。
蒙古最后一位君主统治者八世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图，又名博格多汗。图片来自历史/UNIVERSAL IMAGES GROUP/GETTY IMAGES
分析
中国轮回垄断存在蒙古问题
几个世纪以来，达赖喇嘛和哲布尊丹巴胡图克图的双胞胎路线塑造了地缘政治。
2023 年 4 月 23 日上午 7:00
乔治敦大学外交学院历史学教授 詹姆斯·A·米尔沃德 (James A. Millward )。
今年3月8日，达赖喇嘛在印度达兰萨拉的一次公开演讲中，几乎是顺带提到了哲布尊丹巴胡图克图的男孩转世——一位和达赖喇嘛本人一样的蒙古高僧。蒙古和西藏有共同的佛教传统，通常被称为“藏传佛教”，转世喇嘛的传承在其中发挥着重要作用。正如达赖和班禅喇嘛在西藏领导佛教徒一样，哲布尊丹巴胡图克图一系历来领导着蒙古的佛教徒。
奇怪的是，对于一个无神论的共产党国家，中华人民共和国（PRC）声称只有它才能决定藏传佛教喇嘛的转世——中华人民共和国称这是从清帝国的满族统治者那里继承的特权，其中包括蒙古和西藏。但中华人民共和国只控制了历史上蒙古的一部分，即中国称为内蒙古的地区，而蒙古本身曾因其作为苏联卫星国的地位而免受中国的野心影响，现在是一个独立的国家。达赖喇嘛和哲布尊丹巴胡图克图的历史，以及他们的前辈所做的决定，塑造了今天西藏、中国和蒙古的版图。
2016年访问蒙古时，达赖喇嘛宣布第十世转世已经诞生。（他的前任已于 2012 年去世。）中华人民共和国随后因达赖喇嘛的访问而对蒙古实施制裁。2007年，中华人民共和国国家宗教事务局发布“第五号令”，规定藏传佛教“活佛”只能按照官方规定的程序在中华人民共和国境内转世，“不得干涉或不受任何外国组织或者个人的支配。” 但是新的哲布尊丹巴既没有在中国诞生，也没有得到认可，也没有得到官僚的认可。
事实上，新闻报道指出，被认定为第十世哲布尊丹巴的蒙古男孩出生在美国。一些认为他可以在确定下一任达赖喇嘛的转世方面发挥作用，尽管现任达赖喇嘛说他可能根本不会转世。但达赖喇嘛和哲布尊丹巴胡图克图三月份在数百名僧侣、尼姑和蒙古游客面前的会面，比这些新闻所描述的更为重要。那是因为87岁的达赖喇嘛和8岁的哲布尊丹巴胡图克图已经有一段共同的历史——一段始于17世纪的历史。
达赖喇嘛
达赖喇嘛
达赖喇嘛在 2002 年 11 月 5 日对蒙古乌兰巴托进行为期三天的访问期间指着一所佛教学校的听众。 HAN GUAN/AP
蒙古佛教徒在佛教学校外排队等候。
蒙古佛教徒在佛教学校外排队等候。
2002 年 11 月 5 日达赖喇嘛访问乌兰巴托期间，蒙古佛教徒在一所佛教学校外排队等候。 HAN GUAN/AP
藏传佛教看似神秘，《哲布尊丹巴呼图克图》固然是一口。但它们都很重要。除其他外，它们有助于解释为什么今天的中华人民共和国包括新疆、西藏和一些传统的蒙古土地——以及为什么它难以调和这些领土与日益狭隘的民族主义和同化非汉族人民的政策。
中国共产党（CCP）声称对藏传佛教拥有权威。2018年，中共为加强控制，将原政府局的国家宗教事务局划归统战部，使党直接负责宗教事务。
中国控制着西藏，但藏传佛教并不完全是西藏的，正如罗马天主教不是罗马的一样。两者都是世界宗教，在全球都有追随者。转世喇嘛，或者更准确地说，可以控制自己转世的佛教大师，如达赖喇嘛和杰布尊丹巴胡图克图，在藏语中被称为祖古，有些不准确地称为火佛（活佛）中文。欧洲和北美以及蒙古、中国、印度和亚洲其他地区的藏族文化地区已经确定了祖古世系。北京尚未对现任哲布尊丹巴最近的露面发表评论，但对于中共当局来说，试图管理对蒙古祖古的承认将类似于北京希望在梵蒂冈选择墨西哥或尼日利亚的红衣主教时有发言权。
藏传佛教，特别是达赖喇嘛领导的格鲁派，从一开始就与蒙古人交织在一起。蒙古帝国灭亡后，格鲁派与欧亚大陆的其他帝国竞争者并驾齐驱，包括蒙古部落、建立清帝国的满族，甚至俄罗斯的莫斯科公国。
这些竞争对手利用了两个主要的合法性来源。首先，每个统治者都想成为“可汗”，但令人信服的是，要做到这一点，就需要有成吉思汗血统——即成吉思汗的后裔。其次，跨国宗教的赞助和支持是关键。在前蒙古帝国的西部地区，伊斯兰教起到了这个作用。在东方，是藏传佛教，可汗向喇嘛学习，并让自己和他们的孩子被认定为祖古或其他重要的转世。
16 世纪成吉思汗时期的蒙古大汗首先创造了“达赖喇嘛”这个称号，将藏语中的祭司与蒙古语中“海洋智慧”的意思结合起来，并赐给了藏传佛教格鲁派的一位喇嘛。格鲁派是西藏四大教派之一，通过与蒙古领导人和其他势力结成战略联盟，扩大了其在西藏及其他地区的世俗和宗教势力，其中包括年轻的清朝，满族人在 1644 年征服了中国北方，但还没有完成。
佛教僧侣等待达赖喇嘛
佛教僧侣等待达赖喇嘛
2006 年 8 月 26 日，佛教僧侣在乌兰巴托的 Gandantegchinlen 修道院等待达赖喇嘛的到来。PETER PARKS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
五世达赖喇嘛（在位 1642-1682 年）和他的官员们精通这种高风险的外交游戏：五世在 1650 年代初作为青年访问北京，并在那里宣布清朝皇帝是一位名叫菩萨的化身文殊师利。但格鲁派保留了他们的选择余地，并在 20 年后巩固了与清朝在西北的克星准噶尔蒙古人的关系，授予曾在西藏留学的准噶尔王子噶尔丹“天恩可汗”的称号。
噶尔丹成为可汗背离了传统，因为他不是成吉思汗——但到那时，格鲁派享有如此大的影响力，达赖喇嘛可以扮演可汗制造者的角色。不仅如此，应达赖喇嘛的邀请，噶尔丹的准噶尔人占领了新疆南部及其绿洲农场和通往中亚的丝绸之路。在他们自己的劳动力转移计划中，准噶尔人将维吾尔人从新疆南部迁移到北部以耕种伊犁河谷，并帮助他们在现在的新疆北部准噶尔建都。
这时，当时的清康熙皇帝才刚刚从自己摄政的阴影中走出来。经过与明帝国遗留下来的汉族将军的长期斗争，他征服了中国南部并吞并了台湾。他还把俄国人赶出了满族家园，并与他们签订了互惠互利的条约。
但准噶尔人构成了最大的挑战，威胁要建立一条从西藏经新疆到蒙古的藏传佛教-蒙古轴心，在整个清朝西部和北部边境控制着强大游牧民族的忠诚。准噶尔人召开了一次泛蒙古佛教大会，来自西藏、青海、蒙古甚至远至伏尔加河的代表都出席了会议。现在噶尔丹的军队正东进威胁喀尔喀蒙古人——现代蒙古境内的主要民族。康熙忧心忡忡。但就在此时，第一世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图做出了一个将塑造现代世界版图的决定。
1900 年代初期，小男孩博格德汗 (Bogd Khan) 坐在那里摆姿势拍照。
1900 年代初期，小男孩博格德汗 (Bogd Khan) 坐在那里摆姿势拍照。
The Bogd Khan poses for a photo as a young boy in the late 1800s.HISTORY/UNIVERSAL IMAGES GROUP/GETTY IMAGES
The first Jebtsundamba was himself the son of a Chinggisid khan, a Khalkha whose pastures spanned outer Mongolia. As the principal Gelugpa lama among the Khalkha Mongols, it fell to the Jebtsundamba to decide what the Khalkhas should do in the face of Junghar pressure. Which way should they jump? Should they seek aid with the Russians? Or submit to the Qing?
The Jebtsundamba chose the Qing, because they were patrons of the Gelugpa church. He led tens of thousands of Khalkhas south, where in a ceremony at Dolon Nor in 1691, they became Qing subjects. Several far-reaching developments flowed from this decision: Since there were no longer any independent Chinggisid descendants of the former Mongol emperors of China, the Qing were able to convincingly assume the Chinggisid mantle, enhancing their credibility among Mongols everywhere. With the help of the new infusion of Khalkha cavalry power, Kangxi and subsequent Qing emperors not only defeated Galdan, but over subsequent decades smashed the Junghar confederation, conquered outer Mongolia, Jungharia, and southern Xinjiang, and replaced the Junghars as the Gelugpa’s military patrons, thus establishing a Qing protectorate over Tibet.
The Qing managed its new empire in Inner Asia with remarkable success for a century, in large part because it enjoyed Chinggisid and Tibetan Buddhist legitimacy, and did not interfere with, let alone attempt to Sinicize, the culture of its Mongol, Tibetan, or Muslim subjects in Inner Asia. To the contrary, the Qing endeavored to keep Han Chinese out of Inner Asia, or at least limit their settlement, even rooting up illegal Han settlers in Mongolia until the mid-19th century.
蒙古僧人伸手拿糖果
Mongolian monks reach for candies
Mongolian monks reach for candies from a child after the Dalai Lama gave a lecture in Ulaanbaatar on Nov. 6, 2002.NG HAN GUAN/AP
But as the Qing wobbled in its last decades, weakened by the Taiping Rebellion and exactions from Western imperialists, the court took the advice of Han scholar-officials and began promoting Chinese settler colonization of Manchuria, Mongolia, and Xinjiang to extract resources and stave off Russian encroachment. Tibet was too far and too high for Chinese settlers, but the Qing dispatched an army to put Tibet under direct rule in 1910—on the eve of its own demise—forcing the then-Dalai Lama, the predecessor of today’s incarnation, to flee to India.
Under these circumstances, the Jebtsundamba Khutughtu, at that time the eighth incarnation, was charged with another momentous decision. Concerned about Chinese colonization, when the Qing crumbled in late 1911, the Jebtsundamba along with Khalkha princes declared Mongolia’s independence from the Qing—just as revolutionaries in China declared China independent. As soon as the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa in early 1913, he followed suit. The eighth Jebtsundamba, under the title Bogd Khan (Sacred Khan), became head of state in Mongolia, and the 13th Dalai Lama the head of state in Tibet.
藏传佛教僧侣行走
Tibetan Buddhist monks walking
Tibetan Buddhist monks walk to unveil a thangka painting at the Gartse Monastery in Guashize, China, on Feb, 28, 2018.JOHANNES EISELE/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
The diplomatic history thereafter is messy, since Britain, Russia, and the Chinese republics all, for their own self-interested reasons, contested Tibetan and Mongolian independence. Khalkha Mongolia would remain independent of China, but Mongol Tibetan Buddhists suffered under Soviet control. Still, at that moment in 1912, three states emerged clearly from the rubble of the Qing: an unstable Republic of China that militarists and revolutionaries vied to control; and Mongolia and Tibet, each under Tibetan Buddhist lamas as heads of state.
It was another Qing emperor, Qianlong, who introduced the golden urn system through which today’s CCP hopes to manage the discovery of high Tibetan Buddhist lamas. Impatient with the nepotistic pipeline funneling Mongol nobility into the tulku ranks, in the late 18th century, Qianlong required that tulku candidates be chosen in a supervised ceremony by drawing the name a from a golden urn. This did enhance Qing control of Tibetan Buddhism to some degree, but as Max Oidtmann has shown in a recent book, to the extent that the golden urn was used, it was accepted because Tibetan Buddhists, too, understood the dangers of corruption and embraced an effort by a Qing khan, himself a devout Buddhist and embodiment of the bodhisattva Manjushri, to depoliticize the process of tulku selection.
By putting the CCP’s Organization Department in charge of religious matters, Chinese President Xi Jinping has done the opposite: He has further politicized the selection of tulkus. Mongolia is a small democracy, sandwiched between increasingly authoritarian China and Russia, and economically dependent on maintaining good trilateral relations. But Mongolia’s independent political status challenges the CCP historical narrative that everything once part of the Qing Empire is now part of the PRC—the very argument underpinning Beijing’s assertions about Taiwan.
达赖喇嘛在新闻发布会上挥手致意
The Dalai Lama waves during a press conference
The Dalai Lama waves during a news conference in a Copenhagen hotel on May 30, 2009.SCANPIX DENMARK/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
By the same neocolonialist historical logic by which it claims Taiwan, Beijing should also claim Mongolia, as the Republic of China under the Kuomintang did before the 1990s. But because Mongolia became independent thanks to intervention by the fellow-communist Soviet Union, the CCP broke with Republic of China precedent and recognized Mongolia in 1949. How Beijing reacts to the new Jebtsundamba—a high lama in a religion it claims to control—thus implicates Beijing’s theory of the case regarding Taiwan, as well. If Beijing says there can be no Mongolian high lama without its say-so, that reveals the ludicrous overreach of its policy toward Tibetan Buddhism. But if it says nothing while a Qing-era lineage of tulku-leaders continues autonomously in Mongolia, that reminds us that the PRC is not the full-blown reincarnation of the Qing that it says it is.
The first Jebtsundamba led his people into the Qing Empire, and the eighth led them away from China. In so doing, each assessed which path he thought best served the faith. This is a heavy legacy to lay on the shoulders of an 8-year-old boy, and it is reasonable to question a religious institution that channels small children into a life of celibate study and political pressure. Still, the CCP’s Order Number Five doesn’t lessen that burden, nor is it likely to bring the khans and lamas together again.
James A. Millward is Professor of History in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University.
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4 月 5 日，一大群身穿红色衣服的为泰党支持者坐在椅子上参加曼谷的一次集会。前景中，三名微笑的女性挥舞着展示党候选人照片的纠察标语。
泰国的反对能占上风吗？
政治接班人 Paetongtarn Shinawatra 的目标是在 5 月 14 日取得压倒性胜利——如果保守派机构愿意接受的话。
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蒙古最后一位君主统治者第八世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图博格多汗的画像。
蒙古最后一位君主统治者第八世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图博格多汗的画像。
蒙古最后一位君主统治者八世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图，又名博格多汗。图片来自历史/UNIVERSAL IMAGES GROUP/GETTY IMAGES
分析
中国轮回垄断存在蒙古问题
几个世纪以来，达赖喇嘛和哲布尊丹巴胡图克图的双胞胎路线塑造了地缘政治。
2023 年 4 月 23 日上午 7:00
乔治敦大学外交学院历史学教授 詹姆斯·A·米尔沃德 (James A. Millward )。
今年3月8日，达赖喇嘛在印度达兰萨拉的一次公开演讲中，几乎是顺带提到了哲布尊丹巴胡图克图的男孩转世——一位和达赖喇嘛本人一样的蒙古高僧。蒙古和西藏有共同的佛教传统，通常被称为“藏传佛教”，转世喇嘛的传承在其中发挥着重要作用。正如达赖和班禅喇嘛在西藏领导佛教徒一样，哲布尊丹巴胡图克图一系历来领导着蒙古的佛教徒。
奇怪的是，对于一个无神论的共产党国家，中华人民共和国（PRC）声称只有它才能决定藏传佛教喇嘛的转世——中华人民共和国称这是从清帝国的满族统治者那里继承的特权，其中包括蒙古和西藏。但中华人民共和国只控制了历史上蒙古的一部分，即中国称为内蒙古的地区，而蒙古本身曾因其作为苏联卫星国的地位而免受中国的野心影响，现在是一个独立的国家。达赖喇嘛和哲布尊丹巴胡图克图的历史，以及他们的前辈所做的决定，塑造了今天西藏、中国和蒙古的版图。
2016年访问蒙古时，达赖喇嘛宣布第十世转世已经诞生。（他的前任已于 2012 年去世。）中华人民共和国随后因达赖喇嘛的访问而对蒙古实施制裁。2007年，中华人民共和国国家宗教事务局发布“第五号令”，规定藏传佛教“活佛”只能按照官方规定的程序在中华人民共和国境内转世，“不得干涉或不受任何外国组织或者个人的支配。” 但是新的哲布尊丹巴既没有在中国诞生，也没有得到认可，也没有得到官僚的认可。
事实上，新闻报道指出，被认定为第十世哲布尊丹巴的蒙古男孩出生在美国。一些认为他可以在确定下一任达赖喇嘛的转世方面发挥作用，尽管现任达赖喇嘛说他可能根本不会转世。但达赖喇嘛和哲布尊丹巴胡图克图三月份在数百名僧侣、尼姑和蒙古游客面前的会面，比这些新闻所描述的更为重要。那是因为87岁的达赖喇嘛和8岁的哲布尊丹巴胡图克图已经有一段共同的历史——一段始于17世纪的历史。
达赖喇嘛
达赖喇嘛
达赖喇嘛在 2002 年 11 月 5 日对蒙古乌兰巴托进行为期三天的访问期间指着一所佛教学校的听众。 HAN GUAN/AP
蒙古佛教徒在佛教学校外排队等候。
蒙古佛教徒在佛教学校外排队等候。
2002 年 11 月 5 日达赖喇嘛访问乌兰巴托期间，蒙古佛教徒在一所佛教学校外排队等候。 HAN GUAN/AP
藏传佛教看似神秘，《哲布尊丹巴呼图克图》固然是一口。但它们都很重要。除其他外，它们有助于解释为什么今天的中华人民共和国包括新疆、西藏和一些传统的蒙古土地——以及为什么它难以调和这些领土与日益狭隘的民族主义和同化非汉族人民的政策。
中国共产党（CCP）声称对藏传佛教拥有权威。2018年，中共为加强控制，将原政府局的国家宗教事务局划归统战部，使党直接负责宗教事务。
中国控制着西藏，但藏传佛教并不完全是西藏的，正如罗马天主教不是罗马的一样。两者都是世界宗教，在全球都有追随者。转世喇嘛，或者更准确地说，可以控制自己转世的佛教大师，如达赖喇嘛和杰布尊丹巴胡图克图，在藏语中被称为祖古，有些不准确地称为火佛（活佛）中文。欧洲和北美以及蒙古、中国、印度和亚洲其他地区的藏族文化地区已经确定了祖古世系。北京尚未对现任哲布尊丹巴最近的露面发表评论，但对于中共当局来说，试图管理对蒙古祖古的承认将类似于北京希望在梵蒂冈选择墨西哥或尼日利亚的红衣主教时有发言权。
藏传佛教，特别是达赖喇嘛领导的格鲁派，从一开始就与蒙古人交织在一起。蒙古帝国灭亡后，格鲁派与欧亚大陆的其他帝国竞争者并驾齐驱，包括蒙古部落、建立清帝国的满族，甚至俄罗斯的莫斯科公国。
这些竞争对手利用了两个主要的合法性来源。首先，每个统治者都想成为“可汗”，但令人信服的是，要做到这一点，就需要有成吉思汗血统——即成吉思汗的后裔。其次，跨国宗教的赞助和支持是关键。在前蒙古帝国的西部地区，伊斯兰教起到了这个作用。在东方，是藏传佛教，可汗向喇嘛学习，并让自己和他们的孩子被认定为祖古或其他重要的转世。
16 世纪成吉思汗时期的蒙古大汗首先创造了“达赖喇嘛”这个称号，将藏语中的祭司与蒙古语中“海洋智慧”的意思结合起来，并赐给了藏传佛教格鲁派的一位喇嘛。格鲁派是西藏四大教派之一，通过与蒙古领导人和其他势力结成战略联盟，扩大了其在西藏及其他地区的世俗和宗教势力，其中包括年轻的清朝，满族人在 1644 年征服了中国北方，但还没有完成。
佛教僧侣等待达赖喇嘛
佛教僧侣等待达赖喇嘛
2006 年 8 月 26 日，佛教僧侣在乌兰巴托的 Gandantegchinlen 修道院等待达赖喇嘛的到来。PETER PARKS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
五世达赖喇嘛（在位 1642-1682 年）和他的官员们精通这种高风险的外交游戏：五世在 1650 年代初作为青年访问北京，并在那里宣布清朝皇帝是一位名叫菩萨的化身文殊师利。但格鲁派保留了他们的选择余地，并在 20 年后巩固了与清朝在西北的克星准噶尔蒙古人的关系，授予曾在西藏留学的准噶尔王子噶尔丹“天恩可汗”的称号。
噶尔丹成为可汗背离了传统，因为他不是成吉思汗——但到那时，格鲁派享有如此大的影响力，达赖喇嘛可以扮演可汗制造者的角色。不仅如此，应达赖喇嘛的邀请，噶尔丹的准噶尔人占领了新疆南部及其绿洲农场和通往中亚的丝绸之路。在他们自己的劳动力转移计划中，准噶尔人将维吾尔人从新疆南部迁移到北部以耕种伊犁河谷，并帮助他们在现在的新疆北部准噶尔建都。
这时，当时的清康熙皇帝才刚刚从自己摄政的阴影中走出来。经过与明帝国遗留下来的汉族将军的长期斗争，他征服了中国南部并吞并了台湾。他还把俄国人赶出了满族家园，并与他们签订了互惠互利的条约。
但准噶尔人构成了最大的挑战，威胁要建立一条从西藏经新疆到蒙古的藏传佛教-蒙古轴心，在整个清朝西部和北部边境控制着强大游牧民族的忠诚。准噶尔人召开了一次泛蒙古佛教大会，来自西藏、青海、蒙古甚至远至伏尔加河的代表都出席了会议。现在噶尔丹的军队正东进威胁喀尔喀蒙古人——现代蒙古境内的主要民族。康熙忧心忡忡。但就在此时，第一世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图做出了一个将塑造现代世界版图的决定。
1900 年代初期，小男孩博格德汗 (Bogd Khan) 坐在那里摆姿势拍照。
1900 年代初期，小男孩博格德汗 (Bogd Khan) 坐在那里摆姿势拍照。
The Bogd Khan poses for a photo as a young boy in the late 1800s.HISTORY/UNIVERSAL IMAGES GROUP/GETTY IMAGES
The first Jebtsundamba was himself the son of a Chinggisid khan, a Khalkha whose pastures spanned outer Mongolia. As the principal Gelugpa lama among the Khalkha Mongols, it fell to the Jebtsundamba to decide what the Khalkhas should do in the face of Junghar pressure. Which way should they jump? Should they seek aid with the Russians? Or submit to the Qing?
The Jebtsundamba chose the Qing, because they were patrons of the Gelugpa church. He led tens of thousands of Khalkhas south, where in a ceremony at Dolon Nor in 1691, they became Qing subjects. Several far-reaching developments flowed from this decision: Since there were no longer any independent Chinggisid descendants of the former Mongol emperors of China, the Qing were able to convincingly assume the Chinggisid mantle, enhancing their credibility among Mongols everywhere. With the help of the new infusion of Khalkha cavalry power, Kangxi and subsequent Qing emperors not only defeated Galdan, but over subsequent decades smashed the Junghar confederation, conquered outer Mongolia, Jungharia, and southern Xinjiang, and replaced the Junghars as the Gelugpa’s military patrons, thus establishing a Qing protectorate over Tibet.
The Qing managed its new empire in Inner Asia with remarkable success for a century, in large part because it enjoyed Chinggisid and Tibetan Buddhist legitimacy, and did not interfere with, let alone attempt to Sinicize, the culture of its Mongol, Tibetan, or Muslim subjects in Inner Asia. To the contrary, the Qing endeavored to keep Han Chinese out of Inner Asia, or at least limit their settlement, even rooting up illegal Han settlers in Mongolia until the mid-19th century.
蒙古僧人伸手拿糖果
Mongolian monks reach for candies
Mongolian monks reach for candies from a child after the Dalai Lama gave a lecture in Ulaanbaatar on Nov. 6, 2002.NG HAN GUAN/AP
But as the Qing wobbled in its last decades, weakened by the Taiping Rebellion and exactions from Western imperialists, the court took the advice of Han scholar-officials and began promoting Chinese settler colonization of Manchuria, Mongolia, and Xinjiang to extract resources and stave off Russian encroachment. Tibet was too far and too high for Chinese settlers, but the Qing dispatched an army to put Tibet under direct rule in 1910—on the eve of its own demise—forcing the then-Dalai Lama, the predecessor of today’s incarnation, to flee to India.
Under these circumstances, the Jebtsundamba Khutughtu, at that time the eighth incarnation, was charged with another momentous decision. Concerned about Chinese colonization, when the Qing crumbled in late 1911, the Jebtsundamba along with Khalkha princes declared Mongolia’s independence from the Qing—just as revolutionaries in China declared China independent. As soon as the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa in early 1913, he followed suit. The eighth Jebtsundamba, under the title Bogd Khan (Sacred Khan), became head of state in Mongolia, and the 13th Dalai Lama the head of state in Tibet.
藏传佛教僧侣行走
Tibetan Buddhist monks walking
Tibetan Buddhist monks walk to unveil a thangka painting at the Gartse Monastery in Guashize, China, on Feb, 28, 2018.JOHANNES EISELE/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
The diplomatic history thereafter is messy, since Britain, Russia, and the Chinese republics all, for their own self-interested reasons, contested Tibetan and Mongolian independence. Khalkha Mongolia would remain independent of China, but Mongol Tibetan Buddhists suffered under Soviet control. Still, at that moment in 1912, three states emerged clearly from the rubble of the Qing: an unstable Republic of China that militarists and revolutionaries vied to control; and Mongolia and Tibet, each under Tibetan Buddhist lamas as heads of state.
It was another Qing emperor, Qianlong, who introduced the golden urn system through which today’s CCP hopes to manage the discovery of high Tibetan Buddhist lamas. Impatient with the nepotistic pipeline funneling Mongol nobility into the tulku ranks, in the late 18th century, Qianlong required that tulku candidates be chosen in a supervised ceremony by drawing the name a from a golden urn. This did enhance Qing control of Tibetan Buddhism to some degree, but as Max Oidtmann has shown in a recent book, to the extent that the golden urn was used, it was accepted because Tibetan Buddhists, too, understood the dangers of corruption and embraced an effort by a Qing khan, himself a devout Buddhist and embodiment of the bodhisattva Manjushri, to depoliticize the process of tulku selection.
By putting the CCP’s Organization Department in charge of religious matters, Chinese President Xi Jinping has done the opposite: He has further politicized the selection of tulkus. Mongolia is a small democracy, sandwiched between increasingly authoritarian China and Russia, and economically dependent on maintaining good trilateral relations. But Mongolia’s independent political status challenges the CCP historical narrative that everything once part of the Qing Empire is now part of the PRC—the very argument underpinning Beijing’s assertions about Taiwan.
达赖喇嘛在新闻发布会上挥手致意
The Dalai Lama waves during a press conference
The Dalai Lama waves during a news conference in a Copenhagen hotel on May 30, 2009.SCANPIX DENMARK/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
By the same neocolonialist historical logic by which it claims Taiwan, Beijing should also claim Mongolia, as the Republic of China under the Kuomintang did before the 1990s. But because Mongolia became independent thanks to intervention by the fellow-communist Soviet Union, the CCP broke with Republic of China precedent and recognized Mongolia in 1949. How Beijing reacts to the new Jebtsundamba—a high lama in a religion it claims to control—thus implicates Beijing’s theory of the case regarding Taiwan, as well. If Beijing says there can be no Mongolian high lama without its say-so, that reveals the ludicrous overreach of its policy toward Tibetan Buddhism. But if it says nothing while a Qing-era lineage of tulku-leaders continues autonomously in Mongolia, that reminds us that the PRC is not the full-blown reincarnation of the Qing that it says it is.
The first Jebtsundamba led his people into the Qing Empire, and the eighth led them away from China. In so doing, each assessed which path he thought best served the faith. This is a heavy legacy to lay on the shoulders of an 8-year-old boy, and it is reasonable to question a religious institution that channels small children into a life of celibate study and political pressure. Still, the CCP’s Order Number Five doesn’t lessen that burden, nor is it likely to bring the khans and lamas together again.
James A. Millward is Professor of History in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University.
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Newly declassified documents contain important lessons for U.S. China policy.
凯莉·拉塞尔饰演凯特·惠勒，从外交官的一个场景中走过国务院印章，这是一部关于外交服务的新 Netflix 节目。
Keri Russell as Kate Wyler walks by a State Department Seal from a scene in The Diplomat, a new Netflix show about the foreign service.
At Long Last, the Foreign Service Gets the Netflix Treatment
Keri Russell gets Drexel furniture, but no Senate confirmation hearing.
2006 年 11 月 3 日，在刚果民主共和国金沙萨，一名刚果男孩抬头看着一个商业中心的广告牌，该商业中心出售中国产品。
A Congolese boy looks up toward a sign advertising a commercial center selling Chinese products in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo, on Nov. 3, 2006.
Are China and Russia Bad for Africa? That’s the Wrong Question.
西方人应该反问他们自己的国家为非洲大陆提供了什么样的伙伴关系。
4 月 5 日，一大群身穿红色衣服的为泰党支持者坐在椅子上参加曼谷的一次集会。前景中，三名微笑的女性挥舞着展示党候选人照片的纠察标语。
4 月 5 日，一大群身穿红色衣服的为泰党支持者坐在椅子上参加曼谷的一次集会。前景中，三名微笑的女性挥舞着展示党候选人照片的纠察标语。
泰国的反对能占上风吗？
政治接班人 Paetongtarn Shinawatra 的目标是在 5 月 14 日取得压倒性胜利——如果保守派机构愿意接受的话。
稍后提醒我
稍后提醒我
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