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作者: 小乔   ZT Guilty by Association株连之罪 2011-05-23 15:36:12  [点击:756]
株连之罪

[日期:2011-05-24] 来源:参与
作者:RACHEL BEITARIE
译者:stoic
校对:南山

核心提示:在中国对异见者和批评者的镇压中,受到惩罚的不仅是著名的艺术家艾未未和诺贝尔奖得主刘晓波,他们的家人也被株连。

(北京)在只有几位老者遛狗或修剪花草的北京西边一处安静的街区里,明显地有一栋建筑被不间断的监视---一名便衣站在入口处警戒,另一位坐在小房子里监视。
难以想到在上述场景中中国政府对付的角色是一位画家、诗人和摄影家,诺奖获得者刘晓波的妻子刘霞。自从她丈夫2010年11月获奖后,她便因为受到株连而被软禁,过起了与外界毫无联系的生活。自2月份以后,没人能联系上刘霞。她的朋友们日益担心她的健康。至今当局没有一丝要放松监视的迹象。

刘霞被软禁凸显了中国最近一波镇压政治异议者行动中怪异的一面。已有几十名著名的活动家、知识分子和艺术家被捕,当局不仅打击那些批评执政党的人士,还包括他们的家人---配偶、父母甚至年幼的孩子。当异议者上了新闻头条,他们的亲属要为此买单---从大众视野中消失。虽然被拘捕的艾未未的妻子近日被允许探监,她很可能会是下一个被监视而失去自由的人。

这就是被当局利用的中国传统的亲情惩戒手段。对中国异议者来说,家庭通常是力量之源,也是阿喀琉斯之踵---中国家庭成员关系一般较亲密互相支撑,他们信守同甘共苦的信念。深谙此道的中国政府用此特点对活动家施加更多的压力。
这种做法也让人想起文革时的手段,许多中国家庭分崩离析---配偶和孩子被迫批判被当局斥为资产阶级叛徒的家人,有时还被迫参加对他们(家人)的批斗会。今日中国又一次操纵家人间的爱和忠诚来打击任何政治挑战。

“我们近年来看到越来越忧心的趋势之一,是政府对异议者家人的干涉更直接了。”致力于改善中国人权的美国组织“对华基金会”高级研究员Joshua Rosenzweig先生总结道。“我们看到了监视、持续骚扰、甚至超长时间的软禁。这些以前就有,但现在已经成为了普遍手段。”---比如在刘霞这一例显现的。Rosenzweig 先生进一步说,在中共维稳的诉求中,“法律程序被完全抛开”。依据中国法律,未经指控或警方调查,个人不能被无限期软禁在家。Rosenzweig先生说:“一言以蔽之,家人被扣作人质”。

曾金燕会同意这么说的。自从她和她的丈夫、艾滋病权益活动家胡佳(1)2001年相识后,她便被不间断的监视且经常被软禁在家(胡佳正在因“颠覆国家政权罪”而服3年半的刑期)。当他们相识时,曾(金燕)还是个学生,她说她从没想象她的人生会就此改变。她在电话采访中告诉我:“我那时想着毕业后就找个工作,再嫁人。我想过简单的生活。我希望有钱有闲去周游世界”。但她却成为了受到盛赞的维护自己权益的活动家---她在自己的博客blog 和推特Twitter account里详尽记录在老大哥眼皮下的日常生活。2007年《时代》杂志把她列为影响世界的最出名的100位人物之一,显然党的策略在她那里事与愿违。

但大多数家庭没有那么受到关注。比如自学成才的盲人律师陈光诚(2)的家庭,他因为给被剥夺了权利的村民和被打胎的妇女维权而被监禁4年。出狱后,他和妻子袁伟静及6岁的女儿被隔离在山东的一处山村。袁伟静几乎和外界失去了任何联系,包括和她儿子的联系---为了他能上学,他被送到亲戚那里收养。2月份,他们夫妇设法把一盘他们亲自描述自身苦境的录像弄出到国外。据报道该录像(3)在网上流传后他们为此被殴打且不让他们看病。

电话里,曾(金燕)描述了政府不断施加于她的压力:“首先,就是担忧他的安全。我们一度甚至连他被关在在哪里、他受到了何种虐待都不知情,我担心他的身体,担心他的心理状态”

“其次,作为一位事实上的单身母亲如何谋生又成了问题”她接着说。(她的女儿3岁半了,女儿出生不久胡佳就被捕了)。“因为警察不断地骚扰,我找不到好工作,自己创业也不行。有一段时间我甚至连给我孩子找个保姆都不行---当我雇佣到一个时,警察就威胁并吓跑她”。

曾(金燕)说对她的心理战非常野蛮,赤裸。在受到胁迫和拘禁的同时,她不得不反复应付来自监视者和居委会的暗示---只要她抛弃胡佳,她的境况马上就能改善;有一些地位高的男人对她“有意”。

“这些都是为了把我和社会孤立开,并打垮我。”曾(金燕)总结道,“这有时的确奏效,他们在我内心植下了深深的伤痛”。

虽然曾(金燕)选择了和丈夫一样走上了异议之途,接过了胡佳(因维权而被捕)的接力棒。但也有一些异议者的家人选择了缄默。更有甚者主动和异议者家人划清界限,还有的搬家到别的城市开始全新的生活,有的干脆要求离婚。这样的不堪就发生在杨子立(4)身上---2001年因发起组织小组讨论时政被判8年徒刑的一位社会评论家。他那时的妻子路坤,几次为他提起上诉,出钱为他请律师辩护。只要当局批准,她就去探监。但她最终移民到了美国。2009年杨子立出狱后,他们离婚了。杨子立说他理解她的决定。他说“在中国作为异议者的妻子,压力太大,很多人承受不了。”路坤的决定使杨子立的生活更难了:在他服刑的后几年,他几乎完全孤立无援,完全没有家人探望。

Rosenzweig先生解释说:“这是为了给有政治异议活动意图的人士施加更多压力而刻意谋划的策略。”敢于挑战极权甚至准备好了进监狱是要思量的一方面,同时你的家人也要因此受磨难也是要思量的另一方面。这个不能吓退每个人,但肯定是每个异议者都要仔细考虑的”。诺奖得主刘晓波就在法庭宣判前的发言中提到了这个问题。在那场判了他11年的仓促审判中,他的妻子刘霞未被允许到场听证。他深情陈词:“这些年里,我们的爱充满了外界强加的太多苦涩,但当我品味爱的余味时,依然博大美妙。我在有形的监狱里服刑,你却在无形的心狱里服刑。你的爱是越过高墙穿透监狱铁窗的阳光,轻抚我的每一寸肌肤,而我对你的爱,却充满愧疚以至于有时使我承载不起。”(5)

妻子们(也有丈夫们)不是仅仅被政府“关照”的唯一人选:警察经常“登门拜访”曾(金燕)住在福建省的父母,而她在北京的公婆也被软禁过几次。另一个例子---一位活动家的父母在镇子里被当地警察胁迫,然后被带到北京给参与人权活动组织的儿子施加压力让其退出。有报道称:上海律师李天天的男友被威胁他会为女友的活动而失掉工作,李天天至今仍被警察拘禁。

虽然一些异议者因为利用社交媒体而被捕,但他们的家人向外界发声而面临政府打压时,这些媒体也多少让政府有所收敛。当2月份人权律师江天勇被捕时,他的妻子金边玲开通了推特,记录为了打探他的下落而作的努力,为江天勇被捕的日子计数。该推特有几千人“关注”。(江律师2周前回家,但被监视居住,两口子目前行事低调,婉拒了媒体的访谈)

推特不以煽情见长,但金边玲把丈夫入狱后不久和8岁的女儿的交谈“推”出后,无人不为之心碎:“妈,我们不该再想爸爸了,你说过我打喷嚏时,是有人在想我。假如我们(想他而)使爸爸打喷嚏的话,他会更难受的。”

————————————————————————————————

注(1)http://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/胡佳_(社会活动家)

注(2)http://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/陈光诚

注(3)视频:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D6lnZqE57HQ
延伸阅读:https://wangjinbo.org/archives/4343 “高兴波:“下次再来,把你弄死!”——东师古村看望陈光诚记

注(4)杨子立案:http://www.renyurenquan.org/ryrq_article.adp?article_id=98
华盛顿邮报曾发表长篇报导,通过杨子立一案披露了中国安全部对大专院校的渗透、监控内幕。
“在2000年夏季的某个周末,八名青年知识分子相聚在北京大学的一幢破旧的宿舍楼内,为了讨论中国的政治改革而成立了一个学会,他们当中有的是在 校大学生,有的刚刚走出校门,年龄都没有超过30岁,共同渴望把自己的国家变得更加美好的理想让他们走到了一起,并在后来成为朋友。午饭后,这个由七男一 女组成的小组,开始在北大校园内漫步,在湖边柳树下认真探讨起这个国家所面临的问题。 ”。
三年以后, “新青年学会”的一半成员被关进监狱,他们因“颠覆国家政权罪”而服高达十年的刑期。“新青年学会”的另外两名成员未被关押和起诉,但却过著害怕牵连别人 的日子,尤其是在警察审问时。

注(5)此处刘晓波在宣判前原话如下:
http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/yataibaodao/lxb-01202010124642.html
“如果让我说出这二十年来最幸运的经历,那就是得到了我的妻子刘霞的无私的爱。今天,我妻子无法到庭旁听,但我还是要对你说,亲爱的,我坚信你对我的爱将一如既往。这么多年来,在我的无自由的生活中,我们的爱饱含着外在环境所强加的苦涩,但回味起来依然无穷。我在有形的监狱中服刑,你在无形的心狱中等待,你的爱,就是超越高墙、穿透铁窗的阳光,扶摸我的每寸皮肤,温暖我的每个细胞,让我始终保有内心的平和、坦荡与明亮,让狱中的每分钟都充满意义。而我对你的爱,充满了负疚和歉意,有时沉重得让我脚步蹒跚。我是荒野中的顽石,任由狂风暴雨的抽打,冷得让人不敢触碰。但我的爱是坚硬的、锋利的,可以穿透任何阻碍。即使我被碾成粉末,我也会用灰烬拥抱你。”


http://www.foreignpolicy.com/
Guilty by Association
BY RACHEL BEITARIE | MAY 17, 2011

It's not just famous artists like Ai Weiwei and Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo. In China's ongoing crackdown against dissidents and critics, the government is on a rampage against their families, too.

BEIJING — On a quiet block in western Beijing where otherwise only a few retirees can be seen walking their dogs or trimming their bushes, one building is under constant and conspicuous surveillance. A plainclothes policeman stands guard before an entranceway, while another keeps watch sitting inside a small cabin.

The unlikely object of the Chinese state's attention in this instance is Liu Xia, a painter, poet, and photographer -- and the wife of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo. Guilty by association, she has been under house arrest, with almost no contact with the outside world, since November 2010, when her husband's award was announced. No one has heard from Liu since February, and her friends are increasingly worried about her health. Still, there is no sign that the authorities are planning to relent.

Liu's arrest underscores a peculiar aspect to the recent Chinese crackdown on political dissidents that has seen the detention of dozens of prominent activists, intellectuals, and artists. Authorities are increasingly targeting not just critics of the ruling party, but their family members, including spouses, parents, and even young children. While the dissidents gain the headlines, their relatives are punished out of the spotlight. Though the wife of jailed artist Ai Weiwei was recently allowed a visit her husband, she could be next in line to lose her freedom.

It's a punitive strategy that seeks to exploit Chinese traditions of filial piety. For China's dissidents, family is often both a source of strength and weakness: Chinese families tend to be close and highly involved in each other lives, and they take seriously the promise to stick together through thick and thin. The government, aware of these close ties, is using them to put more pressure on activists.

It also bears echoes of the Cultural Revolution-era, when many Chinese families were torn apart as spouses and children were forced to denounce loved ones labeled by the authorities as capitalist traitors and were sometimes forced to take part in their public humiliation. Today's China is again making a policy of manipulating familial love and devotion to suppress any political challenges.

"One of the more troubling trends we see in recent years has been for the government to more directly involve family members," observes Joshua Rosenzweig, a senior researcher at the Dui Hua Foundation, a U.S.-based organization dedicated to improving human rights in China. "We see surveillance, constant harassment, even extended house arrests. These all happened before, but now they have become routine" -- as in the case of Liu Xia. Rosenzweig adds, "Legal procedure has become irrelevant" in the Communist Party's quest to maintain stability. Under Chinese law, there is no procedure that allows for a person to be held indefinitely under house arrest without charges or a police investigation. "To put it simply, families are being held hostage," says Rosenzweig.

Zeng Jinyan would concur. She has been under constant surveillance and subject to frequent house arrests ever since 2001, when she met her husband, AIDS activist Hu Jia, who is now serving a three-and-a-half-year sentence for "subversion of state power." Zeng was a student when they met, and she says she never imagined her life turning out the way it did. "I thought I'll graduate, find a job, and marry. I planned on a simple life and was hoping I could have enough time and money to travel the world," she tells me in a telephone interview. But she has since become an acclaimed activist in her own right, detailing her everyday life under the party's watchful eye on her blog and Twitter account. In 2007, Time magazine included her on its list of the world's 100 most influential people. Clearly, the regime's strategy backfired in this case.

Most families, however, don't have nearly that kind of wherewithal. Take, for example, the family of Chen Guangcheng, a blind, self-taught lawyer from Shandong province who was imprisoned for four years for his work with disenfranchised villagers and woman forced to have abortions. After his release, he was forced to live in isolation in a Shandong village, together with his wife, Yuan Weijing, and their 6-year-old daughter. Yuan is denied almost all contact to the outside world, including to her son, who she sent away to be raised by relatives so that he can attend school. In February, the couple managed to smuggle a video out of the country in which they described their plight. They were reportedly beaten and denied medical treatment after the video was posted online.

On the phone, Zeng describes the successive levels of pressure that the government applies to her: "First of all, there is worrying about [Hu's] safety. For some time, we didn't even know where he was and what kind of abuse he was suffering. I worry about his health, about his mental situation."

"Then there is the question of making a living and sustaining some income as a de facto single mother," she continues. (Zeng's daughter is three-and-a-half years old. Her father was imprisoned shortly after she was born). "Because of constant police harassment, I could not get a good job or start a business. For a time, I couldn't even get a nanny for my child because when I hired one, the police would threaten her and scare her away."

Zeng says the psychological warfare she faces is brutal. Between threats and detentions, she repeatedly has to deal with the innuendo from her surveillance teams and government-sponsored neighborhood committees, which suggest there were "high-positioned" men "interested" in her and imply that she could improve her situation greatly if only she would leave her partner.

"All this is meant to isolate me from society and to break me down," Zeng concludes. "Sometimes it works. They planted deep trauma in my heart."

Although Zeng has chosen to join her husband in dissenting against the government, picking up where Hu was forced to leave off when he was arrested for his activism, some relatives of dissidents prefer to keep quiet. Still others try to actively distance themselves from activism, sometimes going so far as to move to an entirely new city or even to file for divorce. That's what happened in the case of Yang Zili, a social commentator who was imprisoned for eight years in 2001 for organizing a discussion group on political issues. His wife at the time, Lu Kun, petitioned several times on his behalf, took care of his defense and finances, and visited prison when allowed, but eventually moved to the United States. The couple divorced after Yang was released in 2009. Yang says he understood her decision. "It is just too much pressure, being the wife of a dissident in China; it's a fate many prefer to avoid," he says. Still, Lu's choice also made Yang's life more difficult: the last couple of years of his prison term he was held in almost complete isolation, with no family visits at all.

"Tactics are definitely designed to put pressure on those who contemplate political activism," Rosenzweig explains. "It is one thing to be willing to confront authorities or even go to jail, and another thing to know your family will suffer. This doesn't always deter everyone from speaking up, but it is a factor dissidents take into account." Liu Xiaobo, the Nobel laureate, referred to this factor in addressing his wife in a speech before the court that sentenced him -- after a speedy trial that Liu Xia was not allowed to attend -- to 11 years in prison: "Throughout all these years ... our love was full of bitterness imposed by outside circumstances, but as I savor its aftertaste, it remains boundless. I am serving my sentence in a tangible prison, while you wait in the intangible prison of the heart. Your love is the sunlight that leaps over high walls and penetrates the iron bars of my prison window, stroking every inch of my skin.... My love for you, on the other hand, is so full of remorse and regret that it at times makes me stagger under its weight," Liu said.

Wives (and in some cases husbands) are not the only ones who earn the attention of the state: Zeng's parents, who live in Fujian province, receive frequent police visits, while her in-laws in Beijing were put under house arrest several times. In another case, the elderly parents of an activist were threatened by the local police in their small town and were then rushed to Beijing so that they could pressure their son to stop his involvement in human rights organizations. A Shanghai lawyer, Li Tiantian, reported in February that her boyfriend was threatened that he'll be dismissed from his job on account of her activism. Li has since been taken into police custody.

Although some of the dissidents were arrested for their involvement with social media, those outlets also have served as a balm, as families facing repression from the government try to contact the outside world. When human rights lawyer Jiang Tianyong was arrested in February, his wife, Jin Bianling, opened a Twitter account to record her efforts to get information as to his whereabouts, counting the days of his detention online to a crowd of several thousand followers. (Jiang returned home two weeks ago, but is under surveillance, and the couple declined requests for press interviews to keep a low profile.)

Twitter isn't a medium known for its depth of emotion, but it was undeniably heart-rending when Jin described a conversation with her 8-year-old daughter one evening not long after Jiang's arrest. "Mommy," Jin recorded the child saying. "We shouldn't think about daddy much. You told me when I sneeze, it is a sign that someone is thinking about me. If we make daddy sneeze where he is now, he might be in even more pain."

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